L'opposition entre les génitifs réfléchis et non-réfléchis du basque, et la variation dialectale

Abstract

Whereas the syntactic domain within which the pure pronominal possessive haren 'his' must be free remains stable in almost every dialect, the domain within which its reflexive or anaphoric counterpart bere must be bound seems to vary along the following lines:

(a) three distinct binding domains are distinguished,

• (i) D_ø, the minimal category with a subject which contains it;
• (ii) D₁, the mínimal category which contains Dø and a(nother) subject;
• (iii) D_R, the root sentence;

(b) three groups of dialects are recognized, in which bere (by definition free in D_ø, the NP which it specifies), must be either:

• (i) bound in D₁, or
• (ii) free or bound in D₁, but bound in D_R, or
• (iii) either free or bound within both D₁ and D_R.

On the other hand, haren must always be free in D_ø , and almost always in D₁ (which is shown not to correspond exactly to the binding category defined according to the notion of B.T. compatibility), but may be either free or bound in D_R, if the latter domain is distinct from D₁.

Finally, empty pronouns, whether possessive or not, just like the would-be «emphatic» pronoun bera, merely have to be free in D_ø (and therefore behave like English he or his).